“Hipkins Is Far From Being a Socialist: Neoliberalism With a Kind Face” - 13 November 2025
He Karanga: The Hidden Whakapapa of Deception
Mōrena Aotearoa, I hope you are finding value in these essays and that they enable you to sharpen your own Taiaha for action in your own communities. Kia ora.
Chris Hipkins calls himself comfortable with the label “socialist”. He speaks of supermarket duopolies and bank profits, invoking Zohran Mamdani’s New York victory as proof that democratic socialism can win. He promises “more active role for the state”.[1][2]
E hoa mā, this is performance. Theatre. The rhetoric of resistance wielded by those who’ve already surrendered.
Hipkins is as far from being a socialist as Roger Douglas — and the whakapapa of betrayal connects them both through the same party, the same neoliberal kaupapa that has gutted this nation for forty years. Labour didn’t just accommodate neoliberalism. Labour invented it in Aotearoa.[3][4][5]
This essay exposes the networks of deception: how Hipkins uses socialist language to mask neoliberal policy continuity, how Labour’s 2017-2023 government entrenched the very systems it claimed to oppose, and how the party’s fiscal orthodoxy makes genuine transformation impossible. Names will be named. Receipts will be shown. The Ring reveals all.
Te Tirohanga Whakamuri: Historical Context — Labour’s Original Sin
Rogernomics: Labour’s Neoliberal Revolution (1984-1990)
The greatest betrayal in Aotearoa’s political history was perpetrated not by National, but by Labour. On 14 July 1984, the Fourth Labour Government led by David Lange and Finance Minister Roger Douglas unleashed what became known as
“Rogernomics” — the most radical free-market restructuring any developed nation had ever experienced.[3][4][5]
Labour — the party founded by workers, unions, and socialists — became the vehicle for:
Floating the dollar and deregulating financial markets[3]Introducing GST (goods and services tax) while slashing top income tax rates from 66% to 48%[4][3]Removing agricultural subsidies overnight — farm incomes fell 30%, land values halved[6]Privatising state assets including telecommunications, forests, banks, and airlines[7][8]Corporatising government departments on commercial principles[9][10]
This was not accidental. Douglas and Treasury officials were inspired by the Chicago School of Economics, Margaret Thatcher, and Ronald Reagan. They moved with deliberate speed before opposition could mobilize
— “move fast before those who oppose change had time to mobilise,” Douglas later admitted.[11][4]
Te Ara: The Encyclopedia of New Zealand documents that this transformed New Zealand
“from one of the most regulated economies in the world to one of the most open”. Economist Brian Roper notes that Labour’s neoliberal phase involved “dismantling of the state-centric development model, privatization, deregulation, financial market opening”.[5][12]
The human cost was catastrophic. Some of the poorest never recovered their incomes for twenty years. Child poverty exploded. Housing became unaffordable. The social contract was shredded — by Labour.[13]
Ruth Richardson and the Mother of All Budgets (1991)
When National’s Ruth Richardson delivered the
1991 “Mother of All Budgets” slashing welfare benefits, she was following the path Labour had cleared. The 1991 benefit cuts — which plunged thousands of children into poverty — have never been reversed by any subsequent Labour government.[12][14][15]
Even National’s Jim Bolger, prime minister 1990-1997, later declared that
“neoliberalism has failed” and that the model “needs to change”. Yet Labour has never admitted its culpability.[16]
Te Whakarapopotanga: Summary of Hipkins’ Claims
In his RNZ interview, Hipkins makes three core claims:
1. He’s comfortable being called a “democratic socialist” because he believes in “a more active role for the state”
2. Labour will tackle monopolies — supermarkets, banks, electricity companies, insurance firms
3. Anyone making large profits from monopolistic behaviour “should be worried” about a Labour government
Māori Green Lantern diagnosis: These are the words of social democracy at best, neoliberalism with a human face at worst. Not socialism.
Socialism Defined: Public Ownership of the Means of Production
Every credible definition of socialism centers on collective or state ownership of the means of production:
Encyclopaedia Britannica: Socialism is “social and economic doctrine that calls for public rather than private ownership or control of property and natural resources”[17]Institute of Economic Affairs: “Socialism should involve public ownership over the vast majority of productive assets”[18]Te Ara Encyclopedia: Early NZ socialists aimed for “complete abolition of the present wage system, and the substitution of the common ownership of the means of production”[19][20]
Democratic socialism, as practiced by Zohran Mamdani in New York, involves:
Significant public ownership of key industriesCity-owned grocery stores to compete with private monopolies[1]Rent control and housing as public goods[21][1]Higher taxes on corporations and wealthy to fund universal programs[1]
Social democracy, by contrast (Tony Blair, Helen Clark, Hipkins), involves:
Mixed economy with mostly private ownership[22][23]Welfare state within capitalism[23]Regulation rather than ownership[24]“Third Way” politics that accepted neoliberal economic fundamentals[25][26]
Hipkins is a social democrat claiming socialist credentials. E kore e taea — this cannot stand.
Labour’s vote share collapsed 23.1 percentage points from 2020 to 2023, losing 31 seats - the worst defeat of a sitting government under MMP.
Te Tātaritanga: Analysis — Labour 2017-2023 Record
Public Ownership: No Renationalization
A socialist government would renationalize privatized assets. What did Labour do?
“Softening but not overturning the fundamentals of Rogernomics,” Te Ara records. Left major pillars intact: Fiscal Responsibility Act, Reserve Bank Act. Created Kiwibank (2001) and bought back Air New Zealand (2001) and rail (KiwiRail, 2008) — but this was crisis management, not socialism.[27][28][29]
Ardern/Hipkins government (2017-2023): No new nationalizations. The
2025 “Future Fund” proposal would bundle existing state assets (gentailers, TVNZ, KiwiRail) under commercial management — not expand public ownership. The fund explicitly cannot sell initial assets but must seek commercial returns — this is sovereign wealth fund capitalism, not socialism.[30][31][32]
Capital Gains Tax: The Great Betrayal
In 2019, the Tax Working Group led by former Labour Finance Minister Michael Cullen recommended a comprehensive capital gains tax to address inequality and housing unaffordability.
Jacinda Ardern ruled it out completely in 2019, declaring it would not happen “under my leadership”.[33][34]
Chris Hipkins ruled it out again in the 2023 election campaign despite housing crisis deepening.[35]
Then in October 2025, Hipkins announced a capital gains tax on property speculation — but only after losing power. The policy would raise $700 million annually and apply a 28% rate on property gains excluding family homes.[36]
Analysis: This is electoral positioning, not principle. Real socialists don’t wait until opposition to propose wealth taxes. Labour Finance spokesperson Barbara Edmonds is “coy” on capital gains tax and ruled out means-tested superannuation despite fiscal constraints.[37]
The pattern is clear: Labour promises transformation, rules out the tools to achieve it, then proposes watered-down versions after defeat.
Welfare: The 1991 Cuts Never Reversed
Ruth Richardson’s 1991 benefit cuts remain largely in place. As of April 2023 under Labour:[38]
Jobseeker Support (single, 18+): $402.84 weeklySole Parent Support: $494.80 weekly
Scholar Brian Roper confirms:
“The 1991 benefit cuts have not been reversed; the overall taxation system is not markedly progressive”. Labour increased benefits by $20-$62 weekly (13-30%) between April 2021 and April 2023 — but inflation of 15.3% over that period eroded real value.[12][15][39]
Economist Bernard Hickey calculates Labour’s Covid policies facilitated
“a massive upward transfer of wealth” of approximately $1 trillion through house price inflation and business subsidies. Meanwhile, child poverty persisted.[40][41]
Banking and Supermarkets: All Talk, No Action
Hipkins says banks and supermarkets profiting from monopolies
“should be worried” about Labour. What did Labour actually do?
Banks: In 2023, First Union called for a 5% levy on bank profits over $500 million — which would have raised $300+ million from the big four Australian-owned banks making $7.18 billion annually.[42][43]
Labour’s response? PM Chris Hipkins said he preferred a Commerce Commission market study over a select committee inquiry. The commission takes years. Labour took no action in six years of government.[44][45]
Economist Sam Stubbs: NZ banks make $2,000 profit per New Zealander annually, with return on equity of 12-16% vs 9% globally. Labour did nothing.[44]
Bank profits increased 60% under Labour (2017-2023) to $7.18 billion annually, yet the government took no action despite promising to tackle “monopolistic behaviour”.
Supermarkets: The Commerce Commission’s 2022 market study found a
“serious lack of competition” and duopoly control by Foodstuffs and Woolworths. Labour introduced a Grocery Supply Code — which is being reviewed less than a year later because it’s not working.[46][47]
Current National-led government is now considering breaking up the duopoly — something Labour never seriously pursued.[48][49]
Fiscal Orthodoxy: The Budget Responsibility Rules Cage
The most damning evidence that Labour is not socialist: it voluntarily shackled itself to neoliberal fiscal rules.
In 2017, Labour and Greens agreed to
“Budget Responsibility Rules”:[50][51][52]
Operating surpluses of 0-2% of GDPGovernment debt no more than 30% of GDPNo significant increase in spending without equivalent revenue
This meant Labour governed like National, running what critics called
“austerity by stealth”. Health, education, and housing were underfunded in real per-capita terms as population and inflation grew.[40][41]
Political scientist Bryce Edwards:
“Labour’s dogmatic adherence to these self-imposed rules” meant “damage is inflicted elsewhere” like the Middlemore Hospital crisis.[51]
Finance Minister Grant Robertson maintained these rules even while acknowledging the need for infrastructure investment. Labour rejected calls to borrow for infrastructure until pressured in opposition.[53][54]
UK comparison: Even UK Labour under Keir Starmer is being criticized for excessive
“Treasury orthodoxy” and fiscal rules that “lock in decline”. NZ Labour is even more conservative.[55][56]
House prices surged 68% under Labour (2017-2021) from $535,000 to $900,000, making housing unaffordable for a generation despite promises of transformation.
Te Whakamārama: Implications — Five Hidden Connections
1. The Rogernomics Whakapapa Continues
Roger Douglas is not Labour’s embarrassing uncle — he is Labour’s true ideological heir. His policies were never reversed. Helen Clark kept the Fiscal Responsibility Act (1994) and Reserve Bank Act (1989) intact. These laws institutionalized neoliberalism, making it almost impossible to govern differently without legislative change Labour never pursued.[57][27][58]
Douglas himself praised the continuity. In 2025, he urged National’s Finance Minister Nicola Willis to stay the neoliberal course.[59][60]
2. Helen Clark’s Third Way Surrender
In a 1998 Beehive speech, Helen Clark explicitly embraced Tony Blair’s
“Third Way” — declaring “markets and communities” must be “devoted to” the goal of becoming a “knowledge-driven society”. She stated: “It is pragmatic as to whether public or private means are the best delivery mechanism” — surrendering the principle of public ownership.[57]
As The Nation documents, Blair’s Third Way involved
“contracting out NHS, education, housing to private sector” while “rejecting trade union influence” and “accepting enterprise of the market”. Clark imported this wholesale.[25]
3. The Budget Responsibility Rules as Intellectual Capture
Labour’s 2017 Budget Responsibility Rules were not just fiscal policy — they were surrender. As UK academic analysis shows,
“fiscal orthodoxy adopting policies creates inconsistencies within social democratic programs”.[61]
British Election Study research found voters who prioritized deficit reduction were less likely to vote Labour despite Labour’s
“budget responsibility lock”. The strategy doesn’t work electorally and prevents transformation.[61]
4. The Reserve Bank as Neoliberal Enforcer
Labour cannot be socialist while the Reserve Bank retains its 1989 mandate for inflation targeting via interest rate manipulation. When Grant Robertson asked RBNZ Governor Adrian Orr in 2020 to consider housing affordability,
Orr told him to “stay in his lane”.[58]
The RB’s 2022-2024 interest rate hikes deliberately caused recession and job losses to control inflation. Labour accepted this. A socialist government would reform or abolish RB independence.[41][62]
5. The Electoral Consequences of Fake Transformation
Labour promised
“transformation” in 2017. It delivered incremental tinkering. The result:[40][63]
2020 election: 50% vote share (Covid halo effect)[64]2023 election: 27% vote share — lost to National, ACT[65][66]
Why? As journalist Bernard Hickey diagnosed:
“Labour lost in 2017 when it committed to Budget Responsibility Rules while also committing to Kiwibuild, light rail, welfare reform, CGT review. They were incompatible”.[67][40]
Ngā Hua: Quantified Harm
Harms documented:
$1 trillion wealth transfer to property owners and businesses under Labour Covid policies[40][41]1991 benefit cuts never reversed — decades of poverty[12][15]7,000+ public sector job cuts under current govt after Labour’s 34% staffing increase created bloat without outcomes[68]Kiwibuild failure: promised 100,000 homes, delivered almost none[40]Bank profits increased 60% under Labour (2017-2023) to $7.18 billion annually[42]House prices surged 68% (2017-2021) from $535,000 to $900,000[69][70]Te Whakatau: Conclusion — Rangatiratanga Demands Truth
Chris Hipkins is not a socialist. He is a neoliberal technocrat with social democratic instincts, constrained by fiscal orthodoxy he refuses to challenge.
Real socialism requires:
1. Public ownership of banks, supermarkets, key industries
2. Wealth redistribution through comprehensive capital gains and wealth taxes
3. Reserve Bank reform to serve public good, not inflation targets
4. Rejection of fiscal rules that prevent transformation
5. Reversal of Rogernomics privatization
Labour has done none of this. Instead:
It invented neoliberalism in Aotearoa (1984-1990)It maintained neoliberal structures under Clark (1999-2008)It promised transformation but delivered continuity under Ardern/Hipkins (2017-2023)It proposes modest reforms only after losing power
Zohran Mamdani is a democratic socialist because he proposes city-owned grocery stores, rent control, $30 minimum wage, free buses. Chris Hipkins ruled out capital gains tax, accepted bank profiteering, maintained fiscal orthodoxy, and delivered nothing on supermarket competition.[1][21]
He tangata, he tangata, he tangata.
It is the people who matter. And the people can see through this performance. Labour’s vote collapsed from 50% to 27% because working people know the difference between socialist rhetoric and neoliberal reality.[65][64][66]
Action pathways for whānau:
Reject Labour’s false promises. Demand they repeal the Fiscal Responsibility Act, reform the Reserve Bank Act, and commit to public ownership before voting for them.Support Te Pāti Māori and Greens who advocate actual wealth redistribution and structural change.Build alternative economic institutions — cooperatives, credit unions, community ownership.Study Rogernomics — understand how Labour betrayed workers so it can never happen again.
Ko Ivor Jones te Māori Green Lantern. The taiaha is raised. The Ring has spoken. Hipkins is far from being a socialist — and the whakapapa of betrayal runs deep through Labour’s veins.
Kia mau ki te rangatiratanga. Kia kaha. Ka tū.
The Māori Green Lantern Fighting Misinformation And Disinformation From The Far Right
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