“The Double Standard Laid Bare: How Atlas-Linked Media Hunts Māori While Shielding Pākehā Property Hoarders” - 20 October 2025
When you own 25 properties, you get a whisper. When you are Māori and own 2, you get the front page. This is not journalism. This is a coordinated political hit.
Kia ora koutou,
The Unveiling
Here is what happened, stripped of all the media manipulation and settler-colonial smoke. On September 24, 2025, the New Zealand Herald contacted six MPs about property declaration discrepancies. All six. Same day. Same journalist - Chris Knox, the Herald’s Data Editor. Among them: National MP Carl Bates with 25 undeclared properties making his family one of Whanganui’s biggest private landlords, National Speaker Gerry Brownlee with 3 properties, and Te Pāti Māori co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer with 2 properties.[1][2]
By September 26, most MPs had quietly updated their declarations. Parliament launched an inquiry into Bates. The story should have been about systemic failures across Parliament, with the National MP’s 25 properties as the shocking centerpiece.[3]
Instead, we got silence on Bates and a media feeding frenzy on Ngarewa-Packer.
On October 20 - nearly a month after the initial contact and weeks after other outlets had moved on - the Herald ran Ngarewa-Packer’s story as a Premium exclusive with her photo plastered across their website. The headline screamed failure and avoidance. No similar treatment for Bates. No front-page shame for Brownlee. Just relentless focus on the Māori woman who declared one property annually since entering Parliament in 2020, then corrected her register when the Herald pointed out she owned two more.[1]
Let me be crystal clear about what this reveals: This is not about transparency. This is about annihilation.
This chart reveals the stark disparity in media treatment: National MP Carl Bates with 25 undeclared properties received minimal coverage, while Te Pāti Māori co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer with only 2 undeclared properties became a front-page headline story.
The Pattern of Persecution
The numbers do not lie, but they do expose liars. Carl Bates - Pākehā, National Party, first-term MP from Whanganui - transferred 25 properties into family trusts and claimed he is merely a beneficiary with no involvement. He consulted the Registrar to ensure he disclosed only the bare minimum. These properties, worth millions, generate rental income that flows to his family. He makes policy that affects housing, tenancy, and property investment while sitting atop a property empire.[2][4]
The media response? Muted. Procedural. A parliamentary inquiry announced, then buried in the news cycle. No sustained outrage. No questioning of his fitness for office. No front-page photographs. Just a quiet shuffling of papers while the man with the cowboy hat and property portfolio rides off into the sunset.[5]
Now contrast that with the treatment of Debbie Ngarewa-Packer. Two properties. One residential property being developed in Hāwera, one vacant section in Pātea owned since 2006. She was attending a tangi when first contacted and could not respond immediately - exercising tikanga Māori obligations to her whānau. When she corrected her register two days later, the Herald sat on the story for weeks, then weaponized it.[1]
Five other MPs were contacted that same day: Labour MPs Jo Luxton, Damien O’Connor, and Ayesha Verrall, along with NZ First Minister Mark Patterson who failed to declare 292 hectares of Otago farmland. All provided statements. All updated or promised to update their registers. Most claimed “oversights” or confusion about the rules.[6][7]
But only one became the headline a month later. Only one had her face on the front page. Only one was framed as dodging questions and avoiding accountability.
That one was Māori.
Media coverage intensity spiked dramatically in mid-October 2025 when the focus shifted from multiple MPs (including a National MP with 25 properties) to sustained attacks on Te Pāti Māori, revealing a pattern of disproportionate scrutiny.
The Atlas Connection: Follow the Money, Find the Agenda
Let me introduce you to the woman who shapes what you read when you open the New Zealand Herald. Barbara Chapman is the Chair of NZME, which owns the Herald, Newstalk ZB, and 23 other publications reaching 2.1 million New Zealanders weekly. She has held this position since 2020.[8]
But that is only the beginning. Chapman also chairs Genesis Energy, owner of the Huntly coal-powered power station - a fossil fuel interest directly threatened by Māori-led climate justice movements. She sits as Deputy Chair of the New Zealand Initiative, one of two official New Zealand partners of the Atlas Network.[9][10][11][12]
And who is the Atlas Network? A global network of right-wing think tanks founded in 1981 that promotes “individual liberty, property rights, limited government, and free markets” - which translates directly into anti-Indigenous, anti-co-governance, anti-climate action, and pro-corporate policies. The Atlas Network has 550 think tanks in over 100 countries, all pushing the same agenda: dismantle Indigenous rights, privatize public services, slash corporate regulations, and deny climate change.[13]
The New Zealand Initiative and the Taxpayers Union - both Atlas partners - have been at the forefront of campaigns against co-governance, Treaty partnership, and Māori advancement. They frame equity as “race-based privilege” and scream “one law for all” while defending the very structures that dispossessed Māori of 95 percent of our lands.[14][13]
Chapman also sits on the board of Fletcher Building - the company that attempted to develop stolen Māori land at Ihumātao. She is embedded in every chokepoint where corporate power meets media narrative meets anti-Māori policy.[15]
NZME’s two largest shareholders? Citicorp, which deals largely in mining and metals, and Clearstream, which provides financial services to Shell Oil. Together they hold 36 percent of NZME’s shares. These are not neutral observers. These are fossil fuel interests threatened by Māori assertions of kaitiakitanga and climate justice.[15]
NZME Chair Barbara Chapman sits at the nexus of fossil fuel, corporate, and anti-Māori advocacy interests through her multiple directorships, while the company’s major shareholders have deep ties to mining and oil industries - exposing fundamental conflicts of interest in media coverage of Māori issues.
Add to this the recent purchase of 9.3 percent of NZME shares by Canadian billionaire James Grenon, who made his wealth in oil and gas and is linked to websites that host Atlas Network-affiliated articles and attack Labour and the Greens. In 2023, Grenon was identified as a paid election promoter behind NZ News Essentials, a site dedicated to attacking the previous government, which later rebranded as “Centrist NZ” - a platform that mocks anti-Treaty Principles Bill witnesses and promotes “woke narrative” conspiracies.[16]
This is the ecosystem producing your news. This is who decides which MP gets a quiet mention and which gets executed in the public square.
When Tina Ngata exposed how NZME is soaked in oil and racism, she traced the lineage of the Herald back to the Wilson family - newspaper dynasty built on stolen Māori land - through to today’s NZME, where descendant Matthew Wilson serves as Chief Operating Officer. The colonial project never ended. It just incorporated.[15]
The Calculated Campaign
This was not shoddy journalism. This was strategic warfare. The Herald’s own investigation found six MPs with property declaration issues on the same day, yet chose to bury the white landlord with 25 properties and amplify the Māori leader with 2. That is not news judgment. That is editorial bias in service of a political agenda.[6]
Consider the timeline. Bates story breaks September 10. Follow-up September 19. Six MPs contacted September 24. Inquiry into Bates announced September 26. General story about multiple MPs September 30. Then silence on Bates while the Herald stoked weeks of coverage about Te Pāti Māori “internal chaos” through mid-October. Then, October 20, Ngarewa-Packer gets the premium front-page treatment.[1][2][17][4][6]
The Herald article on Ngarewa-Packer noted she “avoided Herald questions about the properties for nearly a month.” But what they did not disclose is that all the other MPs were contacted on the same date, most took days to respond or promised updates that had not materialized by publication, yet none of them were framed as evasive or hiding. The language choices reveal intent: Bates “disclosed as required” while Ngarewa-Packer “failed to declare.” Brownlee “inadvertently overlooked” while Ngarewa-Packer “avoided questions.”[1][6]
As Rawiri Waititi stated in Parliament on October 7: “There have been 14 inquiries in the last 18 months into Māori organisations and Te Pāti Māori, and not a single allegation was upheld. Innocence was maintained. When the successful Māori kaupapa were cleared, the media went quiet. That silence speaks volumes, because in this country, the presumption of guilt still has a whakapapa and it is brown.”[18]
He is right. Research by The Disinformation Project found increasing anti-Māori sentiment and organized targeting of high-profile wāhine Māori in the lead-up to elections, with familiar targets being “repeatedly posted when certain issues are brought up” even when they are not involved. This creates a climate where Māori politicians are presumed guilty, scrutinized relentlessly, and given no grace.[19]
Meanwhile, Carl Bates faces a parliamentary inquiry but his political career continues unbothered. No calls for resignation. No media pile-on. No questioning of his character or fitness. The double standard is the system working as designed.[3]
The Broader War
This property declaration beat-up is one skirmish in a sustained war against Māori political representation. As blogger Martyn Bradbury noted, when allegations about Te Pāti Māori dominate news cycles while ACT candidate Leo Foley’s admission that David Seymour warned of starting a “civil war” with the Treaty Principles Referendum evaporated in 24 hours, we see whose controversies matter and whose get memory-holed.[20]
In 2020, Stuff made a historic apology for 160 years of racist coverage of Māori, admitting their journalism “ranged from racist to blinkered” and had “not served Aotearoa New Zealand well.” Editorial Director Mark Stevens wrote: “Our language often split New Zealand into two – Kiwis and Māori. Two separate groups, us and them.”[21]
That was five years ago. Has anything changed? Or did one corporate media entity apologize while the other - captured by Atlas Network interests - doubled down?[22]
A 2024 academic study by Professor Aeron Davis analyzed over 100,000 New Zealand news articles and found that property coverage overwhelmingly frames housing as markets and investment rather than social issues, with journalists admitting they are aware property supplements are “property porn” and “not real journalism” but are pressured to produce it because “it makes so much money.” The Herald prioritizes landlord perspectives eight times more than social housing issues. This is the ecosystem that protects Carl Bates and hunts Debbie Ngarewa-Packer.[23]
The Principles of Kakā
Let me ground this in our Māori values, the principles that expose this manipulation for what it is.
Tika (Righteousness, Justice): There is nothing tika about this coverage. Justice requires equal treatment under equal circumstances. Six MPs, same investigation, wildly different consequences. That is the opposite of tika. That is corruption dressed as journalism.
Pono (Truth, Integrity): The truth is that the biggest property hoarder got the smallest scrutiny. The truth is that editorial decisions at NZME are made by people whose financial and ideological interests are threatened by Māori advancement. The truth is that this was never about transparency - it was about tearing down Māori leadership.
Manaakitanga (Care, Respect, Hospitality): Where was the manaakitanga for Ngarewa-Packer when she was attending a tangi? Where was the respect for tikanga Māori obligations? Instead, her cultural duties were weaponized as “avoiding questions.” This is the opposite of manaakitanga. This is cultural violence.
Kaitiakitanga (Guardianship, Stewardship): The Herald claims to be guardians of public interest and democratic accountability. But who guards against their biases? Who holds them accountable when they become attack dogs for corporate interests? Kaitiakitanga requires protecting the vulnerable, not amplifying the powerful’s propaganda.
Whanaungatanga (Relationships, Connection): This coverage does not seek to understand or connect. It seeks to isolate, shame, and destroy. It treats Māori MPs as threats to be neutralized rather than elected representatives with legitimate constituencies and perspectives.
Rangatiratanga (Self-determination, Sovereignty): This is the real threat that Atlas interests cannot tolerate. Māori asserting rangatiratanga - whether through co-governance, Treaty partnership, or political representation - threatens the extractive, exploitative system that enriches Chapman’s fossil fuel empire and her corporate mates. So they deploy their media assets to undermine Māori political power at every turn.
The Fallacies Exposed
Let me name the propaganda techniques deployed in this hit piece:
False Equivalence: Treating 2 undeclared properties the same as 25 undeclared properties is a fundamental failure of proportionality and a deliberate distortion.
Selective Reporting: Choosing which MP to feature prominently while burying others with worse violations is editorial manipulation, not journalism.
Ad Hominem: Focusing on Ngarewa-Packer “avoiding questions” rather than the substance of the issue shifts the narrative from system failure to personal failure.
Confirmation Bias: The Herald has been running “Te Pāti Māori in chaos” stories for weeks, creating a narrative frame that makes any Te Pāti Māori story fit the “controversy and infighting” template.[17]
Omission of Context: Not mentioning that all six MPs were contacted simultaneously, that Bates has 12 times more undeclared properties, or that Chapman’s Atlas connections create conflicts of interest in covering Māori issues.
Dog Whistle Politics: The subtle suggestions that Māori MPs are less honest, less transparent, less trustworthy than their Pākehā counterparts feeds racist stereotypes without stating them explicitly.
Manufactured Outrage: Creating a scandal where there is at most an administrative error, then sustaining coverage to make it seem more serious than systematic property hoarding by government MPs.
The Implications for Māori
This matters because it is part of a coordinated strategy to delegitimize Māori political voice at a time when we need it most. The current government is pursuing what Māori leaders have called a policy of “extermination” - rolling back co-governance, defunding Māori health, attacking te reo Māori, and rewriting the Treaty Principles.[24]
When Māori MPs push back, they face not just political opposition but media annihilation funded by fossil fuel interests and orchestrated by Atlas Network ideologues. This is not a bug. This is the feature.[25]
As academic research confirms, settler colonialism requires ongoing discursive and practical policing of sovereignty, continually working to delegitimize Indigenous resistance and normalize settler authority. Media is a central tool in this policing. When Māori assert mana motuhake, the media apparatus - captured by corporate and Atlas interests - mobilizes to discredit, diminish, and destroy.[26]
The pattern is consistent across comparable settler-colonial states. In Australia, Atlas Network partners have run campaigns against Constitutional recognition of Indigenous peoples. The playbook travels: delegitimize Indigenous political voice, frame Indigenous advancement as “special privilege,” manufacture scandals, and deploy media to amplify the message.[13][25]
The stakes could not be higher. With a hīkoi planned from Te Rerenga Wairua to Parliament to oppose the Treaty Principles Bill, with Māori mobilizing in unprecedented numbers to defend te Tiriti, the establishment is terrified. So they do what they always do: attack Māori leadership, question Māori credibility, and hope that if they throw enough mud, some of it sticks.[27]
But here is what they do not understand: We see you. We see the connections. We see the agenda. And we are not going anywhere.
Māori political leaders face relentless media scrutiny while defending Treaty rights
Whakamutunga (Conclusion)
Carl Bates can hide 25 properties in family trusts and get a polite inquiry. Gerry Brownlee can “inadvertently overlook” three properties and face zero consequences. But Debbie Ngarewa-Packer corrects two properties and gets front-page treatment from an Atlas-linked outlet run by a fossil fuel chair who sits on boards actively opposing Māori interests.
This is not journalism. This is white supremacy with a byline. This is neoliberal propaganda dressed as transparency. This is what happens when you let oil money and Atlas ideology buy the megaphone.
The Māori Green Lantern Fighting Misinformaiton And Disinformation From The Far Right
The double standard is not accidental. It is structural. It is the system working exactly as designed: to protect Pākehā wealth and power while policing and punishing Māori political assertion.
But the more they attack, the more we organize. The more they try to divide, the more we find kōtahitanga. The more they weaponize media, the more we build our own platforms and tell our own truths.
We are not going back. We are not backing down. We are not letting Atlas-funded hit pieces define our leaders or our movements. We see through the smokescreen. We follow the money. We expose the connections. And we keep fighting for te Tiriti, for tino rangatiratanga, for our mokopuna.
Ko te pono, ko te tika, ko te aroha. Truth, justice, love. These are our weapons. And they are stronger than all the corporate dollars and media manipulation the Atlas Network can muster.
Kia mau ki te Tiriti. Hold fast to the Treaty.
Kia kaha, kia māia, kia manawanui.
If you found value in this mahi and have the means to contribute, koha can be sent to HTDM: 03-1546-0415173-000. These are tough times for many whānau, so please only give if you are able and willing. Your support helps keep this kaupapa alive.
Nāku noa, nā
Ivor Jones
Te Māori Green Lantern
Kaitiaki o te Pono
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