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"Out-spending the Devil: Militarism, Misinformation, and the New Zealand Government’s Disney Villain Moment" - 20 July 2025

Collins = Cruella De Vil

Ivor Jones The Māori Green Ltn

19 Jul 2025 — 24 min read

Tēnā koutou kātoa – greetings to all.

Some moments in politics are so on-the-nose they verge on parody, and Defence Minister Judith Collins, wrapped in a voluminous black coat and beret at the Army graduation at Waiōuru, played the archetypal villain so convincingly that Cruella de Vil herself might have hesitated to take the stage. Yet beneath the pantomime is a far more sinister script. As global tensions rise, the New Zealand government is unleashing an unprecedented wave of military spending, all while communities reel from austerity, inequality, and threats to tino rangatiratanga. This essay dissects Collins’ theatrical militarism, exposes how her rhetoric draws shamelessly from the far-right’s playbook, and reveals the devastating human and spiritual toll of putting “lethality” ahead of life. Grounded in Māori values and kaupapa, we will unmask the data distortions, privacy abuses and colonial narratives that stalk Aotearoa’s new defence agenda, revealing how neoliberal and white supremacist propaganda drive policy that harms Māori communities, betrays our Pacific neighbours, and mortgages the future for the illusions of security.

https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/politics/defence-minister-judith-collins-talks-tough-to-graduating-army-recruits-as-global-tensions-rise/7X5OPLXD4JCVRCLYA72ES2HTW4/

Background: Militarisation in Aotearoa – Terms, History, and the Māori View

Militarisation is the process by which the state, society, and economy become oriented around warfare and defence, both in policy and culture. This is not just about tanks or helicopters, but a web of contracts, surveillance regimes, and the normalisation of threat narratives. The New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) has often told a story of projecting peace – “principled, not powerful” – but the latest pivot under Collins swaps korowai for kevlar, directly tying New Zealand’s fate to global “great power competition” and escalating Western confrontation with China.

From a Māori perspective, security has always meant whānau wellbeing, mana motuhake, and the collective flourishing of the land and its people – not the colonial notion of defence that justifies force to protect profits, empire, or global alliances. The Treaty of Waitangi promised partnership and care, not militarised readiness to follow others into war.

Before European contact, Māori operated sophisticated systems of tikanga, diplomacy (such as marriage alliances), and rangatiratanga to resolve disputes and maintain order. War was ritualised and subject to strict restrictions. Early colonial militarisation – from the Waikato invasion to the mass land confiscations enforced with British rifles – was the blueprint for every surveillance operation, every “protectorate,” every Army training ground erected on stolen whenua.

Today, Māori and Pacific communities bear the brunt of underinvestment and service cuts when money is siphoned to military contractors. Whānau are over-policed, under-resourced, and too often cast as either model soldiers or potential domestic “threats.” Militarisation deepens the wound of colonisation by further eroding sovereignty, community wellbeing, and connection to the whenua.

The Collins Doctrine and Why It Matters

Judith Collins’ blustery performance at Waiōuru was more than tough talk to “action-focused” Army recruits – it was a bracing sales pitch for the biggest defence spending hike in a generation. Her message was clear: “New Zealand’s contribution matters in a time of such strategic uncertainty. Conflicts are escalating, the rules-based international order is under pressure and great power competition is reshaping the world around us… We may be a small country, but we are a principled one. We stand for peace, for co-operation, and for the protection of those who cannot protect themselves.”

Yet beneath these platitudes lurks a programme that will double military spending to over 2% of GDP by 2033, pouring more than $12 billion into weapons, new personnel, cyber warfare and even a “space unit.” Collins claims this is about “readiness,” but every figure and rhetorical flourish reveals deeper priorities: closer integration with US and Australian militarism, an aggressive posture towards China, and a willingness to cut social services including Māori health, education, and social protection to feed the war machine.

Key points in this agenda include framing China as the enemy, spinning recruitment challenges as national emergencies, and manipulating global events to scare the public into compliance. As analyst Danyl McLauchlan observes: “Western countries are now rushing to increase military spending, New Zealand being the latest… our military is increasingly equipped and configured to slot into a U.S.-led coalition of powers that is first and foremost focused on achieving US strategic goals (containing China)” (see Just Defence critique).

For Māori, the issue is not simply fiscal – it is existential. These policies prioritise foreign alliances, white supremacist security frames, and the interests of global arms corporations above hauora, sovereignty, and living rangatira ways. Māori are made either visible as ideal soldiers or invisible as people deserving real security at home.

In this essay, we will systematically break down the claims advanced by Collins and the National-led coalition, exposing their roots in misinformation, neoliberal propaganda, and colonial violence. Drawing on hard data, critical media analysis and a kaupapa Māori lens, we’ll show why militarism is not just wasteful and divisive, but a direct assault on Māori flourishing and tino rangatiratanga.

The Performance of Power – Judith Collins’ Military Drag

Collins’ appearance at the Army graduation could have been lifted straight from the villain page of a Disney script – black coat, cold smile, the air thick with threat and promise. Mainstream media coverage breathlessly repeated her metaphors, with not an ounce of critical scrutiny of the militarist turn. The “Crusher” presides, and the nation claps. This is not accidental. As explored in scholarship on gender and political performance, Collins and her handlers have learned well from media archetypes, combining “toughness”, “maternal authority” and ruthless efficiency to cut through the noise – in this case, styled almost comically as a Frost Queen (“Crusher”) or even a Cruella de Vil from Disney’s villain hall of fame. Such rhetorical styling is powerful: the figure of the villainous woman, dressed to thrill and kill, works as a rallying point for those seeking “security” at any cost, and as a threat to those who refuse to play along.

Yet beneath the surface, such performance is calculated to distract – to reframe the real violence of militarisation as mere “toughness” or state necessity. Collins’ persona is a mask for policy, one that mutes debate and distracts from the very real harms her government is inflicting on communities nationwide (see "Gender, party and performance in NZ politics").

Beneath the Black Beret: The Data that Debunks Militarist Myths

Let’s cut through the costume drama and confront the numbers. Collins and her supporters breathlessly warn of external threats, undermining the work of decades of non-aligned, independent policy. They claim a “hollowed-out” NZDF, a crisis of recruitment, and a need for new lethality. Yet when examined in the cold light of statistical analysis, these claims crumble like a damp sandcastle.

The government is spending a minimum $12 billion on defence over four years, with spending set to reach over $9.2 billion this year alone, up a staggering $3.3 billion since the last budget – greater than combined spending on justice, corrections, conservation, and police (Peace Movement Aotearoa, “Alternative Defence Review”).

All of this is justified by data on personnel attrition and force capability that doesn’t withstand serious scrutiny. The Ministry of Defence’s own disclosures show New Zealand’s Defence Force attrition rates in line with or better than other public sector entities; claims of a “death spiral” are deliberate exaggerations, citing a single spike to approximately 17.7% attrition that has since been corrected down to less than 10% – and even this was partly due to pay and conditions easily addressed through targeted support (Scoop, “Unreliably Managed Defence Spending Boosted”; Just Defence).

Across multiple government balance sheets, “savings” required for this military splurge mean deep, savage cuts to health, housing, education, social development, and even to core Māori agencies (Peace Movement Aotearoa). Social, economic, and health inequality worsens; more than 1 in 10 New Zealanders are hungry enough to need foodbanks as families are evicted and public hospitals fail (WSWS: “Budget for Austerity and War”).

New Zealand's Defense Spending Surge vs Social Service Cuts

New Zealand's Defence Spending Surge vs Social Service Cuts

This chart demonstrates the disparity: as defence spending soars, funding for housing, health, education, and essential services is decimated. The idea that “security” means new missiles, cyber warfare, and war-game exercises is a data-driven lie, directly linked to worsening poverty and social dislocation.

Follow the Money: Neoliberal and White Supremacist Motives

But why this obsession with militarisation now, and whose interests does it serve? The answer, as always, is found not in the carefully prepared speeches but in the quiet conversations between politicians, lobbyists, and the global arms industry. Collins’ doctrine of “lethality” is not about defending whānau Māori, Pasifika, or our Pacific neighbours. It is about positioning New Zealand as a reliable “force multiplier” in US-led imperial strategies, particularly the containment of China (RNZ: "New Zealand to nearly double military spending"). These are not conspiracy theories – the government’s own Defence Capability Plan identifies “China’s pursuit of strategic objectives” as its primary motivation (Scoop).

This is classic neoliberal market fundamentalism fused with white supremacist replacement theory. Under the guise of “freedom,” “values,” and “defence,” New Zealand is told to cut welfare, give up on equality, and buy ever-more expensive weapons to join the next American war. The strategy is advanced through misinformation campaigns, relentless anti-China propaganda, and scaremongering about “regional threats” that never materialise.

If you want a particularly revealing statistic, consider this: defence spending in Aotearoa now outpaces spending on Oranga Tamariki, Te Puni Kōkiri, Conservation, Justice and Police combined (StopAUKUS). And while social services are cut and Māori-specific agencies gutted, military procurement contracts are flourishing, often awarded with little transparency to foreign and multinational manufacturers.

Where is the story of rangatiratanga, hauora, and whanaungatanga here? It is erased, exploited, or ignored.

Exposing the Rhetoric: Anti-Māori and Colonial Narratives

The far-right playbook Collins employs leans heavily on several classic propaganda tactics:

Anti-co-governance and Treaty denialism: “We must act as one nation to defend ourselves; Māori equity is divisive and dangerous.”
Revisionist history: “NZ has always needed a combat-ready defence force; peace is naïve, and the old days of ‘benign’ strategy are over.”
Economic fear-mongering: “China is buying out our resources; we must be able to strike back to protect our wealth.”
Blame and scapegoat: “Social services are too expensive, especially for Māori – let’s focus spending where it really matters: the military.”

Language is weaponised to divide, as Collins demonstrated with remarks about “diversity of thought” trumping representation and the implied question of “whether there was something wrong with being white” (RNZ: “National Leadership Change”).

Māori and Pasifika are cast as both the ideal footsoldiers and the first to be demonised or erased when it suits – classic colonial ambivalence, never true partnership. Take the “Haka of Tū” at the ceremony – invoked as a flourish, a way to Māori-wash militarism, while Māori communities themselves are left to struggle without health, jobs, or housing (NZ Herald).

The Anti-Māori Digital Push: Platforms and Propaganda

This toxic narrative is amplified by digital media platforms happy to host and promote misinformation, fear porn, and dogwhistle racism. Far-right influencers and anonymous accounts carry the same messages – China is coming, Māori “special treatment” must end, the Treaty is dangerous – turbocharging right-wing policy and social suspicion (Lowy Institute: "Why NZ Should Not Join AUKUS Pillar II").

Social media is the new pānui – and it is a battleground where anti-Māori content spreads rapidly, oftentimes unchecked. This digital matua whāngai to militarism delivers dogwhistles straight into the living rooms of Pākehā anxious about power, change, or declining privilege.

Military Money, Māori Poverty: The Deadly Trade-Offs

Perhaps the most chilling aspect of Collins’ militarist turn is the willingness to accept Māori suffering as the cost of global posturing. While Collins lectures new recruits about their duty, Māori tamariki are packed into overcrowded houses, whanau are denied basic healthcare, and kaumatua wait years for life-saving operations.

The evidence is unambiguous: every dollar sent to a US defence contractor to buy next-gen weapons is a dollar stolen from māra kai, kura kaupapa, or fundamental support for families in need. Peace Movement Aotearoa makes the point plain – the focus on military “security” crowds out every other form of flourishing or support (“it is deplorable that public funding for combat-ready armed forces continues to be a spending priority when there are so many other major issues facing Aotearoa: the urgent need for climate action and assistance...the shameful levels of poverty and social inequality...the lack of affordable housing, the failing health system...”) (Peace Movement Aotearoa).

The repeated promise that military investment will “create jobs” or “boost innovation” is also hollow. Economic studies confirm again and again that high-tech military spending locks up skills and resources that should be directed to civil infrastructure, Māori economic enterprises, and climate resilience (RNZ: “Defence spending is like insurance – how will NZ pay the higher premiums”). Military investment distorts the economy, accelerates inequality, and starves community-led development of both resources and attention.

Privacy, Surveillance, and the Māori Activist Target

An often ignored side effect of militarisation is the expansion of surveillance against those who challenge it. Māori activists, environmental defenders, anti-militarist organisers – all become targets of “security” apparatuses justified by the rhetoric of threat. Defence spending now includes funding for digital and cyber operations with little oversight or transparency, opening the door to spying, intelligence profiling, and data misuse (Defense News).

History teaches us who will be first in line for “monitoring” when the state feels challenged: not white suburban anti-maskers, but Kaitiaki, whānau, tangata whenua. Surveillance, justified by supposed external threats, is used to suppress dissent and normalise the criminalisation of Māori protest across issues as diverse as land, water, education and police violence.

Debunking Far-Right Frames and Colonial Fallacies – Point by Point

“We live in a much more dangerous world, so we must arm up”
This claim is manufactured by media and far-right commentators to create a climate of fear and justify spiraling spending. The actual evidence of direct threats to New Zealand is paper thin – apart from regional playacting and cyber incidents best addressed through multilateral diplomacy, not militarisation (University of Waikato’s Al Gillespie in RNZ, “Defence Force spend-up: Who is it meant to protect us against?”). As former Prime Minister Helen Clark recently pointed out, “we are not under any threat of invasion from anyone,” and raising defence spending is pandering to the US.
“China is New Zealand’s main enemy.”
This is a deliberate misrepresentation rooted in American and Australian strategy – a new version of yellow peril to bind the nation to Western powers. China is New Zealand’s largest trading partner, and no credible evidence exists that it presents a direct military threat to Aotearoa. The policy pivot is designed to force us into an arms race and increase US leverage, not to protect anyone here (Just Defence; Lowy Institute).
“Military jobs and spending help the New Zealand economy.”
This argument has been demolished by decades of economic analysis. Military spending generates fewer and lower quality jobs per dollar than investment in health, education, or climate action, and it diverts critical resources away from real economic development. Rather than transforming technology or workforce expertise, it locks resources into unproductive systems (RNZ: “Defence spending is like insurance – how will NZ pay the higher premiums?”).
“We are a force for good, standing up for peace and the little guy.”
This is pure colonial fantasy. Participation in US-led operations – from training Ukrainian troops to enabling illegal wars in Yemen and the Middle East – has nothing to do with peace. It is about power, alliances, and money. History tells us that such military actions nearly always harm the most vulnerable and enable state violence abroad and at home (WSWS).
“A stronger military helps our Pacific neighbours.”
Our true obligations to the Pacific are for diplomatic engagement, development support, and shared kaupapa against climate change – not as a spearhead for Western militarism. The push for AUKUS participation is seen by Pacific leaders as bullying, divisive, and a threat to regional nuclear-free status (RNZ, Pacific Elders’ Voice).
“The Defence Force is for everyone – look at the Army haka and women leaders.”
Diversity parades and Māori cultural displays at graduation ceremonies cannot disguise the structural inequities and real-life betrayals. Women and Māori remain underrepresented in senior command, low-paid in civil sectors, and over-exposed to the harm done by militarist priorities (RNZ: “Diversity Stance”). Tokenism is not transformational, particularly from leaders who have repeatedly questioned the very premise that “representativeness” matters at all.

Of Dalmatians and Dragons: The Media, the Costume, the Cover-Up

Returning to the image that sparked this critique, it’s impossible not to draw the parallel between Collins’ getup and Disney’s catalogue of villainy. Her coat is not merely a fashion choice; it is a statement of intent – severe, cold, and disconnected from those who will pay the price for her policies (Emma Thompson’s “Cruella” Inspiration; YouTube analysis). Cruella wants to skin dogs for a coat; Collins wants to strip the nation’s welfare, education, and connection for a projection of power she cannot wield.

This is not a singular quirk or passing affectation. It is the deliberate cultivation of an archetype – the implacable, authoritarian figure, the “adult in the room” who will do what needs to be done, no matter how cruel. In reality, it is the poorest, the most marginalised, and the tangata whenua who are skinned every time.

Political cartoon depicting Judith Collins as Cruella de Vil in military context

Implications: Militarism’s Ripple Effect on Māori and Wider Aotearoa

The broader effect of this strategic “villainy” is clear. More money for the military means less for the essentials of life. For Māori, this further entrenches disparities in health, education, housing, and justice. It violates the Crown’s Treaty obligations, undermines mana motuhake, and further exposes Māori communities to both marginalisation and surveillance.

On a global level, New Zealand’s militarist pivot threatens our Pacific relationships and climate leadership. By seeking integration with AUKUS and US military alliances, the government risks bringing war, nuclear posturing, and environmental devastation closer to home, in direct contradiction to Māori and Pacific aspirations (RNZ: "AUKUS a military pact designed to contain China"; Pacific expert commentary).

Domestically, the militarist turn expands a culture of surveillance that will target Māori and dissenting communities, justifying broader erosions of privacy and freedoms in the name of “security” (Defense News).

The most damning implication is the betrayal of future generations. As the government slashes climate, education, and health budgets to buy missiles, the possibility of a just, flourishing, independent Aotearoa recedes. The calculation is as cynical as it is cruel: security for the powerful at the expense of all others.

Mauri Ora or Mauri Moe?

Judith Collins’ Cruella moment is more than PR: it exposes the moral and political rot at the heart of Aotearoa’s new militarist consensus. This essay has shown – using the government’s own data, critical Māori perspectives, and the lived reality of communities under siege – that the new defence agenda is a disaster for Māori, a betrayal of Pacific solidarity, and a catastrophic waste of resources needed for real security and wellbeing.

If we are to honour our Treaty, our ancestors, and our grandchildrens’ children, it is time to karanga, to stand, and to resist. Demand public consultation before any defence pact is signed. Refuse the manufactured fear of “outside threats” designed to distract from poverty at home. Reject the frame that says security is measured in missiles, not mokopuna.

Mauria te pono. Uphold integrity and truth, challenge power, and imagine an Aotearoa where security means hauora, whenua, and whakapapa, not uniforms and death.

He kākano ahau, i ruia mai i Rangiātea – I am a seed sown in the heavens. No villainous costume, no propaganda, and no politician playing Disney devil can change that.

If you found mana or whakaako in this kōrero, consider a koha to support this kaupapa: HTDM 03-1546-0415173-000. Only give if you are able and if you feel called.

Ngā mihi nui,
Ivor Jones, The Māori Green Lantern

References

"THE EMPTY TANK: How a White Supremacist Neoliberal Government Left Its Carers on the Side of the Road to Die" - 26 March 2026

“The Pātaka Beside the Strait” - 25 March 2026

"THE PĀTAKA IS ASH: How Nicola Willis and Christopher Luxon Poured Petrol on the Poor and Called It Relief" - 25 March 2026

"THE POISON PEN MINISTER: How Erica Stanford Weaponised the Taxpayer-Funded State Against Her Own Critics — and Why a Wounded Luxon May Be Letting Her Burn" - 25 March 2026