"THE INHERITANCE OF CRUELTY: How a Hollow CEO, a Licensed Race-Baiter, and a Coalition of Asset-Strippers Bankrupted Aotearoa — And Left Whānau to Pay the Bill" - 20 April 2026
A Prime Minister Who Won't Leave. A Government That Shouldn't Stay. And a Generation of Tamariki Paying the Price of Their Cowardice.
Ko Ivor Jones tēnei. Ko te Māori Green Lantern,
— tohunga mau rākau wairua, kaitiaki of Māori, exposer of white supremacy, neoliberalism, and colonial governance dressed in suit and tie.
This essay traces the whakapapa of a government in its death spiral
— and the harm it is inflicting on whānau on its way down. Taiaha raised. Ring at full charge.
The Deep Dive Podcast
Listen to a lively conversation between two hosts, unpacking and connecting topics in the sources of this essay.
THE CUI MALO FRAMEWORK: TRACE THE WHAKAPAPA OF HARM
Before we name the rot, we must trace the whakapapa of power.
Every essay published by The Māori Green Lantern has followed the same genealogy to the same source: a neoliberal, white supremacist coalition that has spent two years governing Aotearoa not as kaitiaki of a nation, but as asset strippers in borrowed authority
— dismantling every structure that protected the vulnerable and calling it reform.
Galleryreporters
As confirmed by ABC News in September 2024, the scale of the assault is without modern precedent: Māori Party co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer stated that
"the scale and speed is beyond anything we've ever known in Aotearoa — the only thing we can compare it to is the initial colonisation in the 1800s."
Former PM Chris Hipkins confirmed Māori progress was going
"backwards by three or four decades."
Today — three RNZ stories, four days, one devastating truth
— the coalition is consuming itself.
And while politicians stare each other down in Wellington corridors, whānau are in the water.
Craig Mcculloch
Cui malo? Who bleeds? Māori bleed. Pasifika bleed. The poor bleed. Luxon, Jones, Peters, Willis, Seymour, Goldsmith — they collect salaries, protect portfolios, and give press conferences.
RNZ News
THE WAKA THAT NEVER HAD A CAPTAIN
To understand the catastrophe unfolding this week, you must understand who Christopher Luxon actually is
— not who he told you he was.
As documented in The Trapdoor Prime Minister: How a Hollow CEO Sold Aotearoa a Snake, Called It a Kiwi, and Watched the Floor Give Way Beneath Him, Luxon is a former corporate CEO who learned to project the appearance of leadership
— the clipped sentence, the laminated vision statement, the consultancy-approved talking point
— without ever mastering its substance.
He sold Aotearoa a CEO. What arrived was a PowerPoint presentation wearing a flag pin.
He leads a coalition assembled not through shared values but through shared appetite: National wants asset sales and tax cuts for the wealthy; ACT wants to extinguish Treaty rights entirely; NZ First wants Peters to remain relevant and Jones to remain funded by extractive industry donors.
As documented in Noisy Voices: How Shane Jones Is Gutting Our Moana for Corporate Profit, Jones receives donations from wealthy mining investors while handing them the permits to apply scorched-earth techniques to our taonga.
This is not governance. This is a protection racket dressed in parliamentary procedure.
As Green Left Australia confirmed in September 2024, ACT received just 9% of the vote — yet David Seymour dictated Treaty policy for an entire nation; NZ First received just 6% — yet Peters and Jones have driven the most systematically anti-Māori policy agenda since the Native Land Court.
This government has no democratic mandate for the harm it is inflicting.
THE POLLS: THE PEOPLE HAVE SPOKEN — AND LUXON REFUSES TO LISTEN
The numbers are not a blip. They are a verdict delivered by the public to a man who is constitutionally incapable of receiving it.
The Verian poll released 19 April 2026 placed National at 30%, down four points, with Labour surging to 37% — a seven-point lead, as confirmed by 1News on 19 April. It is National's worst result since Luxon became leader in November 2021. A Labour-Greens-Te Pāti Māori bloc now commands a governing majority — the first time since before the 2023 election that the left bloc would knock the coalition from power. The Spinoff's 20 April analysis confirmed Luxon's preferred PM rating has collapsed to 16% — the first time a sitting PM has scored below 20% in TVNZ's poll since Jim Bolger's 1997 result; Bolger was rolled by Jenny Shipley within days.
The Roy Morgan March 2026 poll had National at 26.5% — reportedly the lowest for any governing party in decades, as documented in The Trapdoor Prime Minister.
Bloomberg confirmed the global headline in March:
"New Zealand ruling party slides in poll as PM struggles."
Reuters confirmed in April that support had fallen further still.
On the Friday before the Verian poll dropped, Luxon stood in Pōkeno and claimed three times that if an election were held today, his coalition would be returned, as confirmed by The Spinoff.
he poll that landed that same night made that statement not merely wrong
— it made it a lie delivered with the serene confidence of a man who has decided reality is something that happens to other people.
Then, pressed in his post-Cabinet briefing, Luxon told reporters he understands
"not everyone wants to go for a drink with him"
but insisted he has the "full support" of his caucus, as confirmed by 1News on 20 April.
In te ao Māori, a rangatira's authority is not conferred by appointment — it is earned through demonstrated care for iwi, through consistent action aligned with values, through the trust of those who follow.
Luxon has none of these things.
He has a title. He has a salary. He has the trappings.
The mana has departed.
THE CAUCUS: A MOB WITHOUT A WAKA
Picture a ship's captain insisting the vessel is not sinking — while the first mate, the navigator, and the bosun are quietly filling lifeboats and texting journalists.
That is National's caucus in April 2026.
As confirmed by 1News on 17 April, an unnamed National MP told Tova O'Brien:
"the numbers are probably there to unseat him"
— but the preferred method is resignation, not a formal coup.
"Nobody wants blood to spill. Anything other than him stepping down would be a nightmare and he knows that."
As revealed by Newswire NZ on 17 April, National's chief whip Stuart Smith could not even reach Luxon before Easter to brief him on flagging caucus support.
When your own chief whip cannot get the Prime Minister on the phone, the waka is leaderless.
The NZ Herald's Thomas Coughlan confirmed moves to replace Luxon could happen within a fortnight, as detailed in What Happens Next in Christopher Luxon's Leadership Saga.
Luxon's response was to tell journalists there were five
"moaning and frustrated" MPs leaking — before walking those comments back the very next day.
As Duncan Garner's 20 April analysis stated bluntly:
"Luxon is not a great listener. He's largely aloof from parts of his caucus. He won't make it easy. He will force his MPs to show their hand."
Chris Bishop appeared on Q+A the Sunday morning of the potential caucus confidence vote, denied leadership ambitions, and proceeded to demonstrate more authority, more command of policy detail, and more political intelligence in a single TV appearance than Luxon has managed in two years, as observed by The Spinoff's 20 April analysis.
The contrast was not subtle. It was a silent parliamentary challenge broadcast at 9am on public television.
As documented in Pantomime of the Dying Waka, the Captain told Aotearoa he had a plan for the fuel crisis — and his plan was to ask BP to be cooperative. No mandate. No statutory enforcement. No windfall profits levy. Just a press conference and a prayer.
Three Western Examples — The Evidence-Base the Western Mind Cannot Ignore
One — Thatcher, 1990: Britain's Margaret Thatcher was not voted out by the public. She was removed by her own Conservative caucus when her poll numbers made her an electoral liability. The mechanism was identical to what is unfolding now in Wellington: anonymous briefings, a preferred successor, a cascade of cabinet resignations, and eventually a tearful departure. Every day Luxon clings to office is another month of Māori communities absorbing austerity cuts, school lunch failures, and housing paralysis.
Two — Morrison, 2022: Australian PM Scott Morrison's catastrophic polling bore remarkable structural similarities to Luxon's — an unpopular leader, a governing coalition fracturing, an electorate that had moved on before the Prime Minister had. Morrison lost the 2022 election by a margin that mirrored his disapproval ratings exactly. Every month a failing PM clings to power is a month of preventable harm to the people his policies target most.
Three — Liz Truss, 2022: The shortest-serving PM in British history lasted 45 days. She insisted throughout that critics simply didn't understand her programme. She eventually admitted reality. As documented in Aotearoa Under Austerity: A Scathing Critique of Christopher Luxon's State of the Nation, New Zealand suffered the developed world's worst GDP performance under Luxon's watch — and his Finance Minister praised her own failure. Luxon is still at the Pōkeno press conference claiming the ship is not sinking.
SHANE JONES: THE LICENSED RACE-BAITER WITH A MINISTERIAL WARRANT
And then there is Shane Jones. The man who, as documented in Shane Jones Trading Stolen Taonga for War Machines With Trump, has spent two years trading Aotearoa's sovereignty for extractive industry favour and US military alignment. The man who, as documented in Shane Jones — The Veto That Speaks Volumes, has weaponised his coalition veto power against Māori interests at every opportunity.
This week, Jones went on Reality Check Radio — a platform purpose-built to launder far-right disinformation into the mainstream — and warned of a "butter chicken tsunami" of immigration from India, claiming the free trade agreement would trigger "unfettered immigration" that would clog roads and overwhelm health services.
As confirmed by 1News on 20 April, he said:
"I am never going to agree with a butter chicken tsunami coming to New Zealand."
Let us be precise: "butter chicken tsunami" is a racial slur.
It deploys the food of a specific ethnic group as a stand-in for people, attaching to those people the emotional register of a disaster, an inundation, an existential threat. It is every anti-immigration dog whistle in history — replace the group's name with something that evokes visceral disgust, and you can say the unsayable in plain sight.
When 1News pressed Luxon directly
— "Is it racist?"
— the Prime Minister of Aotearoa New Zealand could not say yes.
His words:
"It doesn't sound right… I'm just saying, it's alarmist."
Not racist. Not a sacking offence. Alarmist. The word of a man choosing coalition survival over moral clarity.
This is the architecture of licensed racism. NZ First deploys the slur. National provides the ministerial scaffolding and calls it "a bit much." Winston Peters' preferred PM rating has surged to 12% — the highest in six years — as Luxon collapses, as confirmed by The Spinoff in March 2026. As documented in Winston Peters Is a Temu Trump for Reals, Peters has told Māori we are "not indigenous," compared co-governance to Nazi Germany, and criticised an MP for speaking te reo in Parliament — and his coalition partner responds with a slow blink.
Trade Minister Todd McClay — set to sign the India FTA next week — declined to comment entirely, as confirmed by 1News. The silence of a minister about to sign a trade deal while his coalition partner poisons the diplomatic atmosphere with racial slurs about the trading partner's people is not neutral.
It is complicity administered through inaction.
The coded language deployed against Indian New Zealanders is the same linguistic infrastructure turned against Māori who advocate for immigration pathways through whakapapa. This is not a coincidence. It is the system working as designed.
As documented by The Māori Green Lantern in The Heist: How Shane Jones Handed the Keys to the Community Chest to the Rig, Jones has converted his ministerial role into a personal patronage machine — distributing regional funds to industries that align with his political interests while defunding the community organisations that serve whānau.
That is the full Jones picture: race-baiter, extractive industry servant, and minister of the Crown simultaneously.
THE ASSET-STRIPPING MACHINE: POLICY BY POLICY, CUT BY CUT
The "asset stripping" metaphor is not a metaphor. It is a forensic description of what this government has executed with legislative precision over two years.
Here is the full inventory — named, quantified, and sourced.
Te Aka Whai Ora — Abolished on Day One:
The very first act of this coalition was the abolition of the Māori Health Authority, established specifically to address chronic, documented disparities in Māori health outcomes. As confirmed by ABC News in September 2024, it was dismantled before it could demonstrate results — because accumulated institutional power in Māori hands is precisely what this government fears.
Over $1 Billion Stripped from Māori-Specific Programmes:
As confirmed by Labour's May 2025 release, over $300 million was cut from Māori-specific initiatives in Budget 2024, including Te Arawhiti, the Māori Health Authority, and Māori TV. A further $624 million was stripped from the Whai Kāinga Whai Oranga Māori housing fund, with 620 Kāinga Ora frontline jobs slashed, gutting the frontline workforce that supported Māori and Pasifika whānau in emergency and social housing. Budget 2025 touted $700 million for Māori — but as The Spinoff's 22 May 2025 analysis confirmed, after stripping rebranded and reallocated money, actual new investment was closer to $38 million. The Māori Green Lantern documented over $750 million stripped across two budgets, with housing bearing the brunt.
Public Sector Carnage — The Great Purge:
As documented in The Great Purge: How Neoliberal Ideologues Are Gutting Public Services, thousands of public sector jobs were eliminated through Seymour's "efficiency exercise." The PSA confirmed New Zealanders rejected this ideology in a 2013 citizens-initiated referendum — 66% against asset sales — yet Luxon proceeded anyway. 81% of health workers confirmed cuts had damaged health services; 86% said access had worsened, per the PSA's Budget 2026 submission. The Reserve Bank Governor resigned over funding cuts, documented by The Māori Green Lantern in When the Reserve Bank Governor Quits Over Funding Cuts — a signal so extraordinary it barely registered in the mainstream press.
The Asset Sales Pipeline — Planned and Partially Executed:
Luxon made an explicit campaign promise: no asset sales this term. He broke it. Labour confirmed plans to sell Chorus broke that promise in October 2025. As Victoria University research confirmed in November 2025, even 76% of NZ First voters — the highest of any party — oppose privatisation going further. Yet Peters remains in a coalition enabling the sell-off. The NZ Herald confirmed David Seymour had communicated directly with NZ Post and Landcorp about their commercial performance — the pre-privatisation playbook executed in broad daylight.
Youth Welfare Demolished — Over Officials' Explicit Warnings:
From November 2026, 18- and 19-year-olds will have Jobseeker Support determined by their parents' income — not their own need — as confirmed by Work and Income. 4,300 teenagers will have their benefit cut, as confirmed by Stuff. The government's own officials warned the "costs will likely significantly outweigh benefits," as revealed by the NZ Herald in November 2025. This advice was overridden. The cuts proceeded. These rangatahi — overwhelmingly Māori and Pasifika, from low-income households — will enter informal economies, couch-surf, and, as documented in The Nursery of Cages: How a White Supremacist State Built a Factory That Turns Brown Children Into Inmates, enter the criminal justice pipeline.
KiwiSaver Gutted — Mortgaging Māori Elder Wellbeing to 2050:
The government KiwiSaver contribution was halved from 50 cents to 25 cents per dollar contributed. Total Crown savings over four years: $2.467 billion — stripped directly from the retirement security of low and middle-income New Zealanders, as confirmed by the NZ Herald. As Good Shepherd New Zealand confirmed in their Budget 2026 submission, women — and Māori women especially — face a KiwiSaver gender gap these cuts will widen into a chasm of old-age poverty. Willis has not solved a fiscal problem. She has mortgaged Māori elder wellbeing to fund defence spend and film industry subsidies.
The Treaty Architecture — Dismantled in Darkness:
As documented in The Grave Robbers in Suits: How Paul Goldsmith Buried the Treaty Principles Bill — Then Dug Its Grave Under a Different Name, Cabinet agreed to repeal Treaty references across 23 pieces of legislation spanning health, housing, education, environment, transport, and justice — sitting on the decision for 55 days before the NZ Herald found it buried in Waitangi Tribunal filings. When the Herald asked Goldsmith which laws, he refused to say. As confirmed by 1News in January 2026, major law changes in 2025 delivered "a decrease in public sector obligations and initiatives for Māori rights, development and wellbeing." And as confirmed by the NZ Herald in March 2026, Māori-medium curriculum changes were labelled "unachievable" in the government's own documents — and quietly shelved.
| Asset Stripped | Mechanism | Quantum |
|---|---|---|
| Māori Health Authority | Abolished, 100-day plan | Institutional erasure |
| Māori Housing | Defunded, Budget 2024–25 | $624 million |
| Māori programmes (two budgets) | Cut across health, education, economy | $1 billion+ |
| Public sector workforce | Mass redundancies via Seymour review | Thousands of jobs |
| Kāinga Ora frontline | Slashed | 620+ roles |
| State assets (Chorus, NZ Post, Landcorp) | Sales pipeline initiated | Pending Budget 2026 |
| Treaty protections | Clause review across 23 laws | Structural — democratic erasure |
| KiwiSaver co-contribution | Halved | $2.467 billion over 4 years |
THE LONG-TERM CONSEQUENCES: GENERATION BY GENERATION
Generation One — The Children of Now
The Children's Commissioner issued a formal warning in February 2026: New Zealand is not on track to meet the Child Poverty Reduction Act target of reducing material hardship to 6% by 2028. As confirmed by 1News on 25 February 2026,
Commissioner Arran Achmad stated plainly:
"For our mokopuna Māori, Pacific children and children with disabilities, the rates of material hardship are much higher."
The Child Poverty Action Group's Whakapono report confirms 42% of Māori children live in deprived households. Te Ara confirms children from low-income families have more than twice the incidence of chronic illness, higher rates of emotional disorders, and lower educational attainment. The Social Investment Agency estimates child poverty costs New Zealand $8 billion per year — 4.5% of GDP. This government is not saving money. It is deferring its invoice to the next generation with compound interest. As documented in The Starving of the Seedlings: How Aotearoa's Coalition of Cruelty Chose Corporate Efficiency Over the Lives of 169,300 Tamariki, this government corporatised the Ka Ora, Ka Ako school lunch programme, watched it fail, rebranded it, ejected its corporate partner, and is now redesigning it as a surveillance voucher system — while David Seymour erased even its name.
Generation Two — The Youth of Tomorrow
The 4,300 teenagers losing Jobseeker access in November 2026 are not statistics. They are young people — overwhelmingly Māori and Pasifika, from low-income households — whose parents' poverty will now become their disqualification. As The Spinoff confirmed in October 2025, when a young person cannot access a benefit, they do not simply get a job. They access informal economies. They couch-surf. They go hungry. They enter the criminal justice pipeline. Te Pāti Māori is campaigning to abolish prisons by 2040, as confirmed by the NZ Herald in January 2026 — because the Nursery of Cages keeps producing graduates as long as governments keep enrolling tamariki in poverty.
As documented in Paula Bennett: The Architect of Systemic Betrayal, Bennett ran the same experiment in 2012 — and it entrenched poverty rather than reducing welfare dependency. This government has the evidence of that failure. It chose to repeat it.
Generation Three — The Elders of 2050
The KiwiSaver gutting is the most insidious weapon in this arsenal because its consequences will not be visible for decades. Māori workers earn materially less than Pākehā workers at every career stage, as confirmed by the Social Investment Agency's persistent disadvantage research:
"at every age level Māori receive a much lower income than the average New Zealander."
Lower wages mean smaller KiwiSaver contributions. Halved government co-contributions compound that gap.
The result: a Māori retirement poverty crisis built today, to be experienced in 2045. As The Māori Green Lantern documented in The Two-Faced Finance Minister: How Nicola Willis Praises Māori Success While Gutting Its Foundations, Willis praises the Māori economy in speeches while systematically dismantling its infrastructure.
THREE WESTERN EXAMPLES — EVIDENCE-BASED PRECEDENT
One — Thatcher's Britain, 1980s–90s: The Welfare Devastation Playbook
Thatcher's welfare cuts projected short-term fiscal savings and produced a 30-year epidemic of child poverty in post-industrial communities that Britain still has not escaped. The structural harm mapped precisely onto the communities with the least political power — exactly as Luxon's cuts map onto Māori. Tikanga violation: manaakitanga — the obligation to uplift those in need — does not produce independence when stripped away. It produces intergenerational deprivation and communities where survival replaces aspiration.
Two — American Welfare Reform, 1996: The Clinton-Gingrich Experiment
The 1996 US welfare reform was sold as moving people from dependency to work. Columbia University's Centre on Poverty found it pushed millions deeper into extreme poverty, particularly Black and Native American families. The $1,000 "stay-employed bonus" this government offers as a substitute for youth welfare, as confirmed by The Spinoff in October 2025, is drawn from exactly this failed playbook. Tikanga violation: kaitiakitanga — guardianship of people — is replaced by contractualism: we will support you only if you perform productivity on our terms.
Three — New Zealand's Own 1991 "Mother of All Budgets"
Ruth Richardson's cuts slashed benefit rates by up to 25% overnight. Child poverty tripled by the mid-1990s. Māori unemployment hit 25%. Housing overcrowding and respiratory disease became endemic. It took thirteen years — the Clark government's Working for Families in 2004 — to begin reversing the damage, as confirmed by Te Ara's family welfare history. This government is running Richardson's experiment again. In 1991, politicians lacked the evidence. In 2026, as documented in The Coalition of Lies: How Luxon and Willis Are Bankrupting Aotearoa While Crushing Māori Dreams, they have the official advice, they have the history, and they chose to proceed anyway.
TIKANGA: WHAT THIS GOVERNMENT IS ACTUALLY DESTROYING
For the western mind, politics is about numbers — polls, seats, margins. Defeat is a spreadsheet problem.
In te ao Māori, leadership — rangatiratanga — is not positional. It is relational.
A rangatira leads because their iwi chooses to follow. The moment that relationship fractures, the title becomes hollow.
What we are watching with Luxon is not merely a political decline. It is the public, televised departure of mana from a man who never truly earned it.
What this government is dismantling is not a welfare system or a health system or a Treaty framework.
It is the institutional infrastructure of manaakitanga
— the state's obligation to care for the people it governs.
When a 19-year-old Māori rangatahi cannot access Jobseeker because their parent earns $50,000, the state has said:
your whakapapa connection is now a disqualification.
When an elderly Māori woman retires on a depleted KiwiSaver, the state has said:
your lifetime of lower wages is a personal failing, not a systemic one.
When a mokopuna goes to school hungry, the state has said:
your parents' poverty is your inheritance.
As documented in Back to Basics, Back to Brutality: How a Hodgepodge of Bills Became the Most Comprehensive Attack on Māori in a Generation, the Māori unemployment rate sits at 10.6%; the serious injury rate for Māori is 57% higher than for non-Māori. As documented in Winston Peters Is a Temu Trump for Reals, the English Language Bill weaponises statute as a strap — the same violence beaten into the palms of our tūpuna in mission schools, now administered through Parliament. And as confirmed by The Māori Green Lantern in The Pātaka Is Ash: How Nicola Willis and Christopher Luxon Poured Petrol on the Poor and Called It a Growth Budget, while kaumātua chose between petrol and kai, and a quarter million tamariki in benefit households received zero, Luxon handed $50 a week to families earning up to $135,000 and called it compassion.
This is not policy failure. This is a values statement — inscribed in law, funded by the Treasury, and delivered to whānau as a budget document.
THE BOTTOM LINE: THE SHIP IS SINKING AND MĀORI ARE IN THE WATER
Every dollar this government saves through welfare and services cuts will be spent — with compound interest — on emergency housing, hospitalisation, criminal justice, and remedial education over the next thirty years. As the PSA's National Secretary confirmed: "You can't cut your way to prosperity — yet this Government keeps doubling down on the same failed prescription that's already left New Zealand worse off."
Budget 2025 cut $5.3 billion from social spending and produced a surplus — but only by changing the accounting formula to exclude ACC liabilities, as confirmed by The Epoch Times. The government's own confidential documents revealed an $8.5 billion hole in future public services funding, as revealed by the NZ Herald. The Good Shepherd Budget 2026 submission confirmed Willis has promised yet more cuts in Budget 2026, due 28 May.
Luxon will not stand down because — as documented through two years of Māori Green Lantern essays — he has demonstrated no capacity for the kind of self-awareness that produces voluntary accountability. Shane Jones will not stop race-baiting because it is working — Peters' surge to 12% preferred PM proves it, as confirmed by The Spinoff. Willis will continue managing the fiscal books of a Pātaka Is Ash economy while calling it a Growth Budget.
As Reuters reported on 19 April, Aotearoa is set for political change. The question is not if — it is when. And the more urgent question — the one that never appears in Herald political analysis — is: how much more harm will be done to Māori whānau in the months between now and the moment this government finally, mercifully, ends?
Name the harm. Quantify it. Refuse to let it be abstracted into a polling number.
The children who are hungry today will be adults in 2040. They will remember who fed them — and who did not.
💚 KOHA — Because $1 Billion Stolen, 169,300 Hungry Tamariki, and a PM Too Arrogant to Leave Demand Accountability That Only Whānau Can Fund
This essay — the full reckoning of what this Coalition of Cruelty has done, is doing, and intends to do — exists because of whānau who understand that rangatiratanga includes the power to fund our own truth-tellers.
No Crown agency will document this for you. No corporate media will connect every thread. No minister will release the list of 23 laws being quietly stripped of Treaty protections.
Over a billion dollars has been stripped from Māori health, housing, education, and economic programmes. The accountability you have just read names every cut, every broken promise, and every minister responsible. Every koha sent this week — when a PM calls racism "alarmist," when 42% of Māori tamariki live in deprived households, when a government strips $1 billion from Māori programmes and calls it growth — is an act of tino rangatiratanga. It says: we will not wait for the Crown to tell our story. We fund the people who do.
If koha is not possible right now — no worries at all. Share this essay with your whānau. Tag someone who needs to read it. Send it to your MP. That act of kōrero reaches tamariki who cannot speak for themselves — and it is koha in itself.
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Kia kaha, whānau. Stay vigilant. Stay connected. The tamariki are watching what we do next.
Ko Ivor Jones tēnei. Ko te Māori Green Lantern.
